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    Home » Sections » Public sector » How corruption crippled Denel

    How corruption crippled Denel

    By Ciaran Ryan2 February 2022
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    A sign outside Denel’s offices in Pretoria. Image: Siphiwe Sibeko, Reuters

    Former Denel chairman Daniel Mantsha, who was appointed by former public enterprises minister Lynne Brown, and other members of the 2015 Denel board played a critical role in helping to capture the company for the Guptas, according to the state capture commission chaired by deputy chief justice Raymond Zondo.

    Part 2 of the Zondo report, released on Tuesday, shows that Denel, which was once highly regarded internationally, is now “almost on its knees”.

    Denel was under capable management in the form of CEO Riaz Saloojee, chief financial officer Fikile Mhlontlo and company secretary Elizabeth Africa, but they were removed by Mantsha, a former attorney struck off the roll for misconduct. Astonishingly, then minister Brown saw it fit to appoint Mantsha to head Denel.

    The evidence shows that rebuilding Denel will take a long time – if it does not go under

    So began the Gupta capture project, led by Mantsha and other former Denel board members who supported him.
    Those who supported Mantsha in his efforts to suspend the three directors who stood in the way of the Gupta’s capture of Denel are unfit to be directors of a company, says the report.

    It recommends law enforcement agencies investigate possible breaches of the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) with a view to prosecuting the board directors during this period.

    Denel, the department of public enterprises and the Companies and Intellectual Property Commission (CIPC) all have standing to bring appropriate proceedings against Mantsha and his cohorts, and “it is therefore recommended that they all be asked by the government to consider bringing such proceedings”.

    One of the recommendations made by the Zondo commission is to make intentional abuse of public power a statutory offence. “Such potential violations might range from the case of a president of the republic who hands over a large portion of the national wealth, or access to that wealth, to an unauthorised recipient, to the junior official who suspends a colleague out of motives of envy or revenge.”

    Abuse

    The commission bemoans the inadequacy of punitive measures in South African law which allowed abuses at Denel to proceed occur.

    Two forms of abuse were noted: interfering in board composition to violate the Companies Act and other laws, and suspending executives for improper purposes. Such abuses pervade our public life, says Zondo.

    The recommended penalties include a fine of R200-million or imprisonment for up to 20 years, or both.
    This would apply to any official at national, provincial or municipal level acting “otherwise than in good faith and for the purposes for which such power was conferred”, says the report.

    Such penalties should cool the heels of those officials who have robbed the public purse blind and then walked away unharmed.

    Several contracts awarded by Denel to Gupta-linked VR Laser were irregular and in breach of the constitution, which mandates fairness, equitability, transparency, competitiveness in all state contracting.

    Malusi Gibaba. Image: GCIS

    The appointment of CEOs and chief financial officers cannot be left solely in the hands of politicians because of their proven failure to protect these institutions from ending up dependent on bailouts. The report recommends the creation of a body tasked with identifying, recruiting and selecting the right talent for positions of CEO and CFO at these entities.

    The reputational damage that Denel suffered from its capture and the fact that control passed into unscrupulous hands was enormous. The evidence shows that rebuilding Denel will take a long time – if it does not go under.

    VR Laser, once the primary supplier of steel armour plate within South Africa, fell along with the rest of the Gupta companies because of the withdrawal of its banking facilities and its association with the Gupta family. Salim Essa (a close Gupta associate) and the Guptas manoeuvred themselves into VR Laser as a vehicle to capture Denel.

    The report concludes that former public enterprises minister Malusi Gigaba abetted the Guptas and Essa in their capture project.

    Once the objecting executives were out the way, VR Laser was able to participate “in any lucrative undertaking in which Denel became involved within the borders of the republic” and, through the Denel Asia joint venture, outside these borders. Through the Denel Asia joint venture, the Guptas presumably thought they would gain access to the worldwide arms industry.

    The only possible conclusion is that Ms Brown was a witting participant in the Guptas’ scheme to capture Denel and Eskom

    Former minister Brown is also implicated in the report, with the commission rejecting her claim she could not remember phone conversations between herself and Essa during the period when appointments to the board were being made. “Why would she lie about her telephone conversations with Mr Essa. The only possible conclusion is that Ms Brown was a witting participant in the Guptas’ scheme to capture Denel and Eskom,” reads the report.

    The commission concludes that she was assisting the Guptas based on how she dealt with certain matters relating to state-owned entities and cellphone records between her, Essa and Tony Gupta.

    She failed to come to the assistance of Saloojee when he and two fellow executives were suspended, even though she had previously commended him in public and he was now accused of wrongdoing in relation to a transaction that had been comprehensively vetted by her predecessor, national treasury and the Competition Commission.

    The Guptas were not prepared to compete for Denel’s business. They pressured Saloojee to give preference to VR Laser, their chosen vehicle for capture, and orchestrated a meeting between him and his boss, then public enterprises minister Gigaba.

    As always, the meeting – brief as it was – took place at the Gupta compound in Saxonwold, Johannesburg. When Saloojee would not play along, steps had to be taken to get rid of him. The means used to do this was the end of the term of office of the members of the 2011 board.

    Juicy target

    The commission then questions why Brown chose Mantsha as board chair, a man who had previously been struck off the roll of attorneys, “for something to do with his trust account”, and then readmitted as an attorney.

    “Surely, a prudent minister would have had nothing to do with bringing an attorney who had been struck off the roll of attorneys for something to do with his trust account into the board of a state-owned enterprise, not to mention making him the chair of such a board. Were there no other attorneys who had never been struck off the roll, if the board required an attorney? Gauteng has thousands of attorneys.”

    Denel was a juicy target, showing a profit (a rarity for a state-owned enterprise at the time) in 2015, and was given a clean audit by the auditor-general.

    The report focuses on several contracts awarded by Denel to VR Laser – two so-called Single Source Contracts awarded by divisions with the group called DLS (Denel Landward Systems) and DVS (Denel Vehicle Systems) for complex armour steel fabrications and related steel products, extending for a period of 10 years.

    Questions arose within Denel about VR Laser’s ability to fulfill complex projects such as this, but such objections were brushed aside. A third “hulls contract” was awarded by DLS to VR Laser.

    Image: Steve Buissinne

    By March 2021, it was reported that Denel was in serious financial trouble and was battling to pay salaries and creditors. It needed another R500-million to stay afloat.

    This was despite government extending guarantee facilities of R5.9-billion and treasury stumping up R1.8-billion for recapitalisation, on top of R576-million allocated to it for the 2020/2021 financial year.

    Evidence presented to the commission shows Denel improving its financial position steadily until 2015, when the Gupta capture project rolled into motion. It was downhill from there.

    The report is loaded with explosive material, such as Saloojee being asked by Tony Gupta why he would not take money.

    There was no attempt by the Guptas to hide their corrupt plans. They were ordering around ministers, directors-general and chief executives, who they would berate for “not co-operating” when bribes were refused.

    They acted as if they ran the country – which, it seems, they did.

    • This article was originally published by Moneyweb and is republished by TechCentral with permission
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